Donnerstag, 24. Februar 2011

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FDP: Argumente zur Hartz IV-Neuregelung


von FDP, Donnerstag, 24. Februar 2011 um 13:29
Frage: Wird der Hartz IV-Satz erhöht?

Antwort: Auf Grundlage der Einkommens- und Verbrauchsstichprobe (EVS) 2008 des Statistischen Bundesamtes wurden die Regelsätze für Erwachsene zum ersten Mal transparent und nachvollziehbar berechnet und nicht mehr "ins Blaue hinein geschätzt", wie noch vom Bundesverfassungsgericht gerügt. Der neue Regelsatz wurde auf 364 Euro festgesetzt, was einen Anstieg um fünf Euro bedeutet. Die Erhöhung des Regelsatzes auf 364 Euro monatlich wird rückwirkend zum 01.01.2011 ausgezahlt.

Für die FDP-Bundestagsfraktion war entscheidend, dass es keine willkürliche Erhöhung gibt, da dies den Vorgaben des Bundesverfassungsgerichts nicht entsprochen hätte. Die Festsetzung des Regelsatzes auf der Grundlage der EVS ist verfassungsfest.

Neben dem Regelsatz werden die Kosten für Unterkunft, also Miete und Heizung, nach wie vor extra übernommen (im Durchschnitt 370 Euro).

Frage: Wieso gibt es 2012 eine weitere Erhöhung?

Antwort: Ab Januar 2012 wird der Regelsatz um weitere drei Euro erhöht. Diese Sonderanpassung wird sich, wie von Anfang an vorgesehen, nach der Preis- und Lohnentwicklung 2010 und 2011 richten. Damit wird bspw. Die Inflation ausgeglichen.

Da die Einkommens- und Verbrauchsstichprobe nur alle 5 Jahre erhoben wird, bedarf es eines Anpassungsmechanismus für die dazwischen liegenden Jahre. Rot-Grün hatte die Anpassung entsprechend der Rentenentwicklung vorgesehen. 
Dies hatte das Bundesverfassungsgericht als „sachwidrigen Maßstabswechsel“ beurteilt. Nun findet die Anpassung erst einmal jährlich durch einen Mischindex aus 70 Prozent Preisentwicklung und 30 Prozent Entwicklung der Nettolöhne statt. 
Dies ist sachgerechter, weil damit das Existenzminimum nicht durch rentendämpfende Faktoren wie Riester- oder Nachhaltigkeitsfaktor bestimmt wird, sondern sich nach den für die Ermittlung des Regelsatzes maßgeblichen Grundlagen richtet.

Frage: Warum wurde eine Neuregelung der Hartz IV-Sätze notwendig?

Antwort: Die Neuregelung des Hartz IV-Systems musste vorgenommen werden, da das Bundesverfassungsgericht am 9. Februar 2010 die Berechnungsmethode der Regelsätze für Langzeitarbeitslose und Kinder für verfassungswidrig erklärt hat. Bei der Einführung von Hartz IV durch SPD und Grüne wurden eklatante Fehler begangen, welche nun behoben werden mussten.

Frage: Wie wurde der Hartz IV-Satz errechnet?

Antwort: Grundlage der Neuberechnung ist die Einkommens- und Verbrauchsstichprobe (EVS) 2008 des Statistischen Bundesamtes. Dafür wurden über drei Monate lang mehr als 55.000 Haushalte befragt und die Kosten für ca. 230 Einzelposten dokumentiert. 
Als Referenzgruppe wurde das unterste Einkommensfünftel in den Blick genommen. Damit keine Zirkelschlüsse auftreten, wurden alle Haushalte heraus gerechnet, die ausschließlich von staatlichen Transferleistungen leben.

Erfolgreich konnten die FDP-Bundestagsfraktion in den Verhandlungen mit der SPD weitere  Leistungen für Sonderbedarfe bei der sogenannten „weißen Ware“ (elektrische Haushaltsgeräte wie bspw. Kühlschränke) vermeiden. Dies hätte ansonsten einen unkalkulierbaren "Nebenregelsatz" verursacht.

Frage: Was ist in den Regelsätzen enthalten - und was nicht?

Antwort: Die Regelsätze sollen das Existenzminimum abdecken, dazu gehören aus Sicht der Koalition nicht die Kosten für alkoholische Getränke, Tabakwaren und Schnittblumen, die bisher enthalten waren. 
Neu hinzugekommen sind allerdings die Kosten für das Downloaden von Software aus dem Internet und die Praxisgebühr. 
Erhöht wurden auch die Sätze für alkoholfreie Getränke und den ÖPNV. 
Die Kritik, einige Posten aus der Regelleistung würden für die realen Kosten nicht ausreichen, muss zurückgewiesen werden. Der neue Regelsatz beruht auf den tatsächlichen Ausgaben, die laut der Studie des Statistischen Bundesamtes durchschnittlich getätigt werden.

Frage: Wie wurde der Grundbedarf bei Kindern und Jugendlichen ermittelt?

Antwort: Zum ersten Mal wurde der Grundbedarf für Kinder und Jugendliche eigenständig erfasst und nicht vom Erwachsenensatz abgeleitet, so wie vom Bundesverfassungsgericht gefordert. 
Die Regelsätze für Kinder hätten nach der Berechnung des Statistischen Bundesamtes eigentlich gekürzt werden müssen, was die Koalition jedoch ablehnt. So bleibt es bei den bisherigen Regelsätzen (Kinder bis 6 Jahren erhalten 215 Euro, Kinder zwischen 6 und 14 Jahren 251 Euro und Kinder ab 14 Jahren 287 Euro).

Frage: Was wurde beim Bildungspaket erreicht?

Antwort: Besonders viel Wert hat die FDP-Bundestagsfraktion auf die Bildungsförderung gelegt. Die Koalition hat nun zusammen mit der SPD beschlossen für die ca. 2,5 Millionen Kinder von Geringverdienern, Hartz IV- und Wohngeldempfängern pro Jahr insgesamt ca. 1,5 Milliarden Euro zur Verfügung zu stellen. 
Dieses Bildungspaket ist am Ende noch einmal aufgestockt worden: Zu den bereits vorgesehenen über 700 Millionen Euro sind für die nächsten drei Jahre noch einmal ca. 400 Millionen Euro hinzugekommen. Davon sollen die Kommunen Schulsozialarbeiter und Mittagessen in den Kitas bezahlen.

Diese Summe kommt zum Kinderregelsatz hinzu und wir korrigieren damit einen Fehler der alten rot-grünen Regelung. Erstmals haben Kinder einen Anspruch auf Lernförderung und können am Musikunterricht teilnehmen oder in Vereine eintreten. So werden die Bildungschancen für ALG II-Familien, aber auch von Familien mit geringem Einkommen, verbessert und den Kindern die Möglichkeit zur Entwicklung ihrer individuellen Fähigkeiten eröffnet.

Frage: Was ist mit Equal Pay von Zeit- und Leiharbeitern?

Antwort: Bei Equal Pay (also der gleichen Bezahlung von Zeit- und Stammbelegschaft) hat man sich darauf einigen können, den Tarifparteien ihre Gestaltungsfreiheit zu lassen. 
Die FDP-Bundestagsfraktion wollte stets die Zeitarbeit erhalten, um insbesondere für Langzeitarbeitslosen weiter mehr Chancen für einen Wiedereinstieg ins Berufsleben zu erhalten. Die Vorschläge der Opposition hätten dies nicht gewährleistet. 

Das Thema Equal Pay wurde daher zurück an die Tarifpartner gegeben. Dies ist für uns ein entscheidender Punkt, weil wir starke Tarifparteien wollen.

Frage: Was hat der Bund den Ländern und Kommunen angeboten?

Antwort: Der Bund übernimmt schrittweise die Grundsicherung im Alter. Ab 2014 trägt der Bund hierfür dann die vollen Kosten, die aktuell mit rund 4 Milliarden Euro zu Buche schlagen, in den kommenden Jahren aber noch ansteigen werden. Bei der Grundsicherung handelt es sich um die Sozialhilfe für Menschen über 65. Die Kosten werden schon aufgrund der demographischen Entwicklung in den nächsten Jahren steigen.

Frage: Gibt es einen Mindestlohn?

Antwort: Nein, einen generellen Mindestlohn wird es nicht geben. Lediglich für die Wach- und Sicherheitsbranche sowie die Aus- und Weiterbildungsbranche können Mindestlöhne auf den Weg gebracht werden. Voraussetzung ist, dass die üblichen Verfahrensvoraussetzungen vorliegen, also die beiden Tarifparteien dies mit einem eindeutigen Votum wollen. Der Gesetzgeber ist nicht gefordert, denn die beiden Branchen waren schon von der großen Koalition ins Entsendegesetz aufgenommen worden. Die FDP bleibt dabei, dass weitere Branchen nicht in dieses Gesetz aufgenommen werden.

Frage: Was wurde bei der Zeitarbeit beschlossen?

Antwort: In der Zeitarbeit kann eine Lohnuntergrenze eingerichtet werden, bis zu der die Löhne von Zeitarbeitnehmern von denen der Stammbelegschaft abweichen dürfen. Damit muss auch ausländischen Zeitarbeitnehmern das unterste deutsche Tarifentgelt gezahlt werden. 
Dies ist ab Mai 2011 von Bedeutung, wenn die volle Arbeitnehmerfreizügigkeit für die Ost- und Mitteleuropäischen EU-Mitgliedsstaaten gilt. Weitere Maßnahmen, vor allem zur gleichen Bezahlung von Zeitarbeitnehmern und Mitarbeitern der Stammbelegschaft, sollen von den Tarifparteien in der diesjährigen Tarifrunde ergriffen werden.

Donnerstag, 17. Februar 2011

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Deutsche Liberale setzen Frau als Bundesbank-Vorstand durch - FDP -


Sabine Lautenschläger (Quelle: BaFin)

(17.02.2011) Während viele in Deutschland noch über die Frauenquote diskutieren, setzen die Liberalen praktisch an:

Auf Vorschlag der FDP wird Sabine Lautenschläger Vizepräsidentin der Bundesbank.

Mit ihr und Jens Weidmann – Kandidat für den Bundesbank-Vorsitz - habe die Bundesregierung „zwei überzeugende Kandidaten“ nominiert, so FDP-Finanzexperte Volker Wissing.

FDP-Chef Guido Westerwelle sieht mit der Personalie Lautenschläger auch die Bankenaufsicht gestärkt.

Jens Weidmann, der zuvor als wirtschaftspolitischer Berater der Bundeskanzlerin zur Seite stand, vereinige eine umfassende fachliche Qualifikation mit einer immensen politischen Erfahrung, kommentiert Wissing die Personalie. Als einer der Hauptakteure der Regierung in der Finanzmarktkrise habe er einen nicht unerheblichen Anteil daran, dass Deutschland so gut durch die Krise gekommen ist.

Besonders begrüßt die FDP jedoch die Nominierung von Sabine Lautenschläger für den Vorstand der Bundesbank. „Das ist ein deutliches Signal, dass qualifizierte Frauen auch in eine traditionelle Männerbastion vordringen können“, so der finanzpolitische Sprecher der FDP-Fraktion.

Die Bundesbank wird weiblicher



Außenminister Guido Westerwelle sowie FDP-Haushaltsexperte Otto Fricke hatten bei der Suche nach den Kandidaten Wert darauf gelegt, dass eine Frau in den Bundesbank-Vorstand berufen wird und auf Lautenschläger bestanden.

Westerwelle bekräftigt, mit Weidmann und Lautenschläger seien hochanerkannte Experten ausgewählt worden. Die Entscheidung sei streng an der Qualität ausgerichtet gewesen und stärke die Bundesbank.

Lautenschläger sei mit ihrer Expertise in dem Bereich Finanzmarktaufsicht eine Bereicherung für die Bundesbank, da dieses Thema in Zukunft an Bedeutung gewinnen wird, betont der FDP-Finanzexperte. Sie habe sich diese Position erarbeitet und aufgrund ihrer Leistung „mehr als verdient“. FDP-Chef Westerwelle sieht darin eine "wichtige politische Weichenstellung".

Die Bundesbank-Spitze muss neu besetzt werden, weil Präsident Axel Weber bereits am 30. April sein Amt zurückgibt. Der bisherige Vizepräsident Franz-Christoph Zeitler geht in den Ruhestand. Die Regierung habe deshalb zügig über eine Nachfolge entscheiden müssen, so Westerwelle. Eine Hängepartie könne man sich nicht leisten, wenn es um die Zukunft des Euro gehe.

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DasErste.de - [Anne Will] - Das Hartz-Theater - was bekommt die Politik noch gebacken?

DasErste.de - [Anne Will] - Das Hartz-Theater - was bekommt die Politik noch gebacken?

DasErste.de - [Anne Will] - ... sagte bei ANNE WILL am 13. Februar 2011



Ursula von der Leyen (Archivbild vom 26.09.2010) © NDR Fotograf: Wolfgang Borrs Bild vergrößern Bildunterschrift: Ursula von der Leyen ]
"Erstens geht es hier gar nicht um mich. Es geht sicher auch nicht ohne mich, das ist klar, aber es geht nicht um mich."


Ursula von der Leyen
Bundesministerin für Arbeit und Soziales

"Ich glaube, man muss dieses Hartz IV nicht nur den Hartz-IV-Empfängern erklären, die ganz ohne Zweifel jeden Euro umdrehen müssen. Sie müssen es auch den Geringverdienern erklären , die jeden Morgen aufstehen und zu Arbeit gehen, und die ebenfalls jeden Euro umdrehen müssen."


Manuela Schwesig
Stellvertretende SPD-Vorsitzende
Manuela Schwesig (Archivbild vom 06.06.2010) © NDR Fotograf: Wolfgang Borrs Bild vergrößern Bildunterschrift: Manuela Schwesig ]
"Es bringt nichts, tagelang über Frauen in DAX-Vorständen zu sprechen, sondern wir müssen den Frauen, die arbeiten gehen, helfen mit gleichem Lohn für gleiche Arbeit."

"Frau von der Leyen, was Sie gerade machen ist ein Schwarzes-Peter-Spiel. Die anderen sind wieder Schuld, weil sie es nicht verstehen und Sie sind ganz toll mit ihrem Bildungspaket. Ich finde, heute Abend muss Schluss sein damit. Heute Abend müssen wir den Menschen erklären, wie es weitergeht."

Michael Spreng

Journalist und Politikberater
Michael Spreng (Archivbild vom 15.11.2009) © NDR Fotograf: Wolfgang Borrs Bild vergrößern Bildunterschrift: Michael Spreng ]

"Schwarz-Gelb hat nur wenige Wochen gebraucht,um die Mehrwertsteuer für Hotels zu senken. Kostet eine Milliarde im Jahr. Das ging wesentlich schneller als die Regelung für Hartz-IV-Bezieher, die bis heute nicht getroffen ist. Von dieser einen Milliarde, die die Hotels bekommen, könnte man den Hartz-IV-Regelsatz um 14 Euro im Monat aufstocken. Das sind Vergleiche, die die Wähler draußen nicht mehr verstehen. Die Politik hat die falschen Prioritäten."

Thomas Brauße

Unternehmer
Thomas Brauße (Archivbild vom 06.09.2009) © NDR Fotograf: Wolfgang Borrs Bild vergrößern Bildunterschrift: Thomas Brauße ]
"Auch der Hartz-IV-Empfänger ist Wähler."

Darauf Spreng: "Aber der Hartz-IV-Wähler ist Wähler einer Partei garantiert nicht, nämlich der FDP."

Darauf Augstein: "Der Hartz-IV-Empfänger ist aber auch nur in schwindendem Maße ein Wähler der SPD. Ich meine, Hartz IV hängt ihr [der SPD] wie ein Mühlstein um den Hals. Dieses Gesetz ist an sich einfach schlecht und falsch."


Jakob Augstein

Journalist und Verleger
Jakob Augstein (Archivbild vom 01.09.2010) © dpa/pa Fotograf: Karlheinz Schindler Bild vergrößern Bildunterschrift: Jakob Augstein ]
"Die Spaltung der Gesellschaft treiben Sie mit dieser Politik voran. Das untere Drittel schreiben Sie im Prinzip ab, deswegen kümmern Sie sich auch nicht drum."

"Natürlich wäre das schön, wenn diese Leute 5 Euro mehr bekämen oder wenn sie 50 Euro mehr bekämen. Nur das löst das eigentliche Problem dieses Gesetzes nicht. Das Problem dieses Gesetzes ist eine Entwürdigung, dieses Gesetz entwürdigt permanent Menschen."

DasErste.de: Ursula von der Leyen bei Anne Will zum Hartz-IV-Paket: "Wir machen diese Woche den Sack zu" [Anne Will] - ... sagte bei ANNE WILL

DasErste.de: Ursula von der Leyen bei Anne Will zum Hartz-IV-Paket: "Wir machen diese Woche den Sack zu" [Anne Will] - ... sagte bei ANNE WILL

Speaker Boehner @ CPAC '11: Liberating America's Economy

Samstag, 12. Februar 2011

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Remarks by the US-President Obama and last Press Briefing by Press Secretary Robert Gibbs | The White House



The White House
Office of the Press Secretary

James S. Brady Press Briefing Room

3:32 P.M. EST

MR. GIBBS: You should brief today. (Laughter.)

Q We got a one and one. (Laughter.)

THE PRESIDENT: All right. Well, listen, obviously Gibbs’s departure is not the biggest one today. (Laughter.)

Having said that, I thought I should come into the briefing room just to say a few words about my departing press secretary.

As some of you know, Robert started very early with me on this wild ride that I’ve been on.

I had run for the United States Senate.

I was not expected to win. When I won the Democratic primary in Illinois, I realized that I was going to have to start staffing up a little bit; at the time I only had I think six or seven people working for me. And I still didn’t have a lot of money, so all I could afford was Gibbs. (Laughter.)

And so Robert came to work with me and we had what appeared to be a pretty significant general election, and then Alan Keyes came in and so that ended up not being our primary focus.
We then had this incredible opportunity to speak at the national convention in Boston.
And I know that a lot of you think that probably most attention was devoted to the speech that I delivered, the keynote speech in Boston, but in fact actually the most challenging problem was what tie to wear.
And this went up to the very last minute. I mean, 10 minutes before we were about to go on stage, we were still having an argument about ties. I had bought five, six ties. And Michelle didn’t like any of them. Axelrod didn’t like a couple of them -- him being, you know, one of the best dressed men in the world. (Laughter.)

So we really valued his opinion. (Laughter.)

And then somebody -- I don’t remember who it was -- turned and said, you know what, what about Gibbs’s tie?

What about Gibbs’s tie?

That might look good. And frankly, Robert didn’t want to give it up because he thought he looked really good in the tie, but eventually he was willing to take one for the gipper. And so he took off his tie and I put it on. And that’s the tie that I wore at the national convention.

He has not said about -- anything about this tie all these years.

But I have to tell you that I know there’s a simmering resentment -- (laughter) -- that he never got it back.

And so as a consequence, I wanted here today -- I wanted this on the record, on camera -- (laughter) -- that I am finally returning Robert’s tie. And if he chooses to break the glass, he can. (Laughter.)

But this is going to be a reminder to me that Robert has not only been an extraordinary press secretary, but he has been a great friend. And you could not ask for somebody better in the foxhole with you during all the twists and turns of my candidacy and then the incredible challenges that we faced over the last two years.

So I’m so proud of him, and everybody here loves Robert. He’s going to be working closely with us. I don’t think we could have a better press secretary. I think Jay is going to do an outstanding job of filling Robert’s shoes. But I certainly couldn’t have a better friend at the podium each and every day. So I just wanted to say congratulations, Robert. (Applause.)

Q Did you sign?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, I didn’t actually --
Q What’s it say?
THE PRESIDENT: I didn’t actually sign the tie, because as I said, he may decide he wants to wear it. It just said I thought that I should finally give you your tie back. It and you helped me get started. All right. Thank you, brother.
MR. GIBBS: Thank you. (Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: You notice, by the way, that he bought one just like it. (Laughter.)
MR. GIBBS: I like that tie.
Q Can we ask you about Egypt?
Q Anything further about Egypt?
MR. GIBBS: I like that tie. Let me get a few things -- let me just say a few things before we get down to talking about what we have every day and what we should every day, and that’s the business of the country.
It is a tremendous honor and privilege to do this each and every day, to serve and to take part in days like today that are so momentous. And I want to thank the President and all of his team for, again, the privilege to serve.
I don’t want to spend a lot of time doing this. I don’t talk about myself well. But I would be remiss if I didn’t talk about a group of people that, I want to be clear, doesn’t work for me, but I have the great privilege and I'm lucky enough to work with. I would not want to do this job, as amazing and as exciting as it is, without them. And I wouldn’t have made it through it without them.
I don’t intend, today or tomorrow, to tell any of you goodbye, because I don’t intend to go anywhere. You all are forever a part of this experience for me. You’ve become a greater extension of my family. We’ve shared a lot of extraordinary times.
I will miss boring days like today at the White House. (Laughter.) I should tell you that for all of you that are looking for help on your morning shows, that Jay likes calls around 4:15 a.m. in the morning. (Laughter.) If you don’t get through at first, just keep dialing. (Laughter.)
And, again, it has been an extraordinary privilege. And I will have more to say to all these guys and more to say to those of you that are in the back of the room that have meant so much to me and continue to mean so much to me.
But before I lose it, we should probably start the 250th briefing of the Obama administration with Mr. Feller.
Q Thank you, Robert. Well, first of all, congratulations and best wishes to you. Hope we see you on the campaign. If you do get homesick, you could bring back the dunk tank at any time. (Laughter.)
MR. GIBBS: Some of you have better arms than I -- where’s Bill Plante? (Laughter.) I would have bet a serious sum of money that Bill Plante would not have been the one that dunked me, but I would have lost that and gotten wet, too.
Go ahead.
Q Shifting to Egypt, a few questions. First of all, could you tell us whether President Obama was surprised by the news this morning?
MR. GIBBS: Well, look, I think that throughout the morning we had gotten -- and into last night -- gotten indications that the last speeches may not have been given, and the last changes, particularly this morning when, with the -- with everybody reporting that there would be a statement from the office of the president.
So the President, as I think many of you have reported, was in a regularly scheduled meeting in the Oval when a note was taken in to him to let him know what had been announced. And since then, prior to giving the statement, he spent about an hour with his national security team from about 1:30 p.m. to 2:30 p.m. in the Situation Room talking about what's going on there now, and what we have to plan for now, going forward.
Q But he learned, when he got that note after the announcement -- essentially he learned with the rest of us.
MR. GIBBS: Well, he learned what precisely had been said. I don't want to get into what other information he might have gotten.
Q Big picture, is this change helpful or harmful to the interests of the United States?
MR. GIBBS: Well, Ben, I think that any time that a government changes based on the popular response of its people, as you’ve heard the President talk about a lot, is important. All governments have responsibilities to those that they represent. I think as you heard the President say in his statement, there will be many bumps along this road as this transition continues toward free and fair elections.
So I don’t doubt, as I said, that there will be -- there’s much work to be done. This was -- this is the beginning of that process, not the end of it.
Q Does the President have any concerns as that process unfolds about the unknowns, about the -- any sense of instability right now?
MR. GIBBS: Well, look, I think that the partnership that we’ve had with the people and the nation of Egypt for 30 years has brought regional stability and has brought peace, particularly between the countries of Egypt and Israel. And I think it’s important that the next government of Egypt, as we’ve said in here many times, recognize the accords that have been signed with the government of Israel.
You know, I think that, again, a lot has yet to be determined. I think it is clear, though, watching the events unfold over the last couple days, the real breadth of Egyptian society that’s been out seeking the type of change that we saw happen today, I don’t think is dominated by a single group or a single ideology. I think the breadth is quite wide.
Yes, ma’am.
Q Robert, since the protests began, all of your statements about Egypt have been very carefully worded. I thought last night’s statement from the President was especially carefully worded. Mubarak wasn’t even mentioned. Did the President have a sense then, when he issued that statement, that maybe the speech yesterday from Mubarak wasn’t the final word?
MR. GIBBS: Well, look, I think it is safe to say that the very same contacts that we have in Egypt are some of the very same contacts that many of you all had that seemed to tell everyone that a different speech might be what we would hear -- that we didn’t hear last night.
And I think -- I think as the statement says, it was at that point a missed opportunity for the government of Egypt to take the necessary steps toward that orderly transition. I think that was -- I think, quite frankly, Caren, that’s been true building throughout the week, that you have seen as the government failed to take the necessary steps to broaden the coalition and to make some fundamental reforms that would signal to those in the opposition that they were serious, the crowds grew larger and larger.
So there is no doubt I think that there has -- this is a situation where I think the phrase we’ve used a lot around here is “threading the needle.” There are a lot of equities in the country and in the region. And ultimately this is something that started with, was driven by, and will ultimately only be solved by the people of Egypt. I think that is true in the lead-up to the historic announcement today but will be even more important in the days ahead leading to elections.
Q Can you talk about contacts with leaders in the region that have taken place since the announcement?
MR. GIBBS: Since the announcement today? The President has not made any phone calls either to those in the region or -- not talked to any heads of state.
Q What about senior-level contacts? And what kind of assurances, if any, can you give Israel and Jordan about how this may affect them and their concerns about stability?
MR. GIBBS: Well, look, we have throughout this process wanted to see protests that were peaceful, protests that were -- our outcome in this process we wanted to see happen in an orderly way to ensure some of that very stability. I think that if you -- that's what, quite frankly, is what has guided us this entire time.
The President -- again, the President has not spoken with anybody. I do not believe at this point -- though I would check -- you should check more carefully with the Pentagon, in terms of whether in the last few hours -- I don't think there have been any contacts. Obviously we’ve got pretty good relationships, as you’ve seen throughout this process on a military-to-military basis.
I will say it is remarkable to watch in the region how Iran is dealing with this. We saw I think about a week or so ago they made some provocative statements about what these marches meant. We now know what -- how they’re responding to the images that we see in Tahrir Square. They are arresting people in Iran. They are blocking international media outlets. They are turning off the Internet.
So for all of the empty talk about Egypt, I think if the Iranian government -- I think it’s up to the -- the Iranian government should allow the Iranian people to exercise the very same right of peaceful assembly and ability to demonstrate and communicate their desires. I think we’ve all seen, again, their response. The head of the Revolutionary Guard said today, “Seditionists are no more than a corpse. We will severely crush any of their movements.”
So I think what you’ve seen in the region is the government of Iran, quite frankly, scared of the will of its people.
Jake.
Q Thanks, Robert. Before I ask my last questions of you in this room, good luck, and I hope you get to spend a lot of time with Ethan. I’ve also taken the liberty of going back and looking at all the questions you said you’d get back to us with an answer -- (laughter) -- that you didn’t get back to us with --
MR. GIBBS: Jay --
Q -- starting in January 2009.
MR. GIBBS: Jay will have a transcript of all of those for you on Monday. And if you don’t get it, just keeping pinging him.
Q When was the last time President Obama spoke with President Mubarak?
MR. GIBBS: I’d have to double-check, but I believe it was -- I’ll double-check. I think it was right before he spoke -- was it -- it was Monday, right? The Monday that he spoke. The last one we read out.
Q The last time you announced that --
MR. GIBBS: There haven’t been any calls since that that I’m aware of.
Q Under the Obama administration, the State Department changed the way that civil society in Egypt was funding -- was funded. First of all, it didn’t directly fund civil society groups or democracy groups as the Bush administration had done. It instead went through the Egyptian government through approved civil society groups, and then also lowered how much civil society groups were funded. In retrospect, does the Obama administration regret that?
MR. GIBBS: No, I -- look, I can get you a little bit longer fact-pattern on this. I think that -- I think our commitment to the universal principles that the President has talked about throughout this process, and in countries not just in Egypt and not just in the region but around the world, I think are best exemplified by what he said standing in Cairo, saying many of the things you’ve heard him say over the past several days.
Obviously, we are watching the situation and will, as, I think, members have testified just in the last day or so up at -- up on Capitol Hill, tailor our assistance to a changing situation.
Q Okay. And lastly, Egypt has been a tremendous ally to the United States, according to the government, on the issue of counterterrorism. Where are you concerned that there might not be as much support in the next government, whoever it is? What areas --
MR. GIBBS: Well, I will say this, Jake, let me -- obviously, we’re going to watch the events, as you and many others will, in the days and months ahead. I can say that our -- the important relationships that we have at different levels in our government with their government, I think the President was assured continue, and particularly the one you mentioned.
Q Thank you, Robert. And all the best in your next endeavor. Can you talk to us about the role that the Vice President played in what ended up happening in Egypt? I know he sent a strongly worded letter to his counterpart, Mr. Suleiman, a few days ago. Can you describe his role --
MR. GIBBS: Well, I think that -- yes, I mean, look, I think the Vice President has -- we talked about it in here, there’s a -- he had a counterpart-to-counterpart relationship with Vice President Suleiman, and has on a number of occasions spoken directly with him and, quite honestly, Dan, reiterated largely the very same set of points that you’ve heard us make public, and that is the genuine steps that needed to be taken to address the concerns that those in Tahrir Square and throughout the country have had. I think he has -- he’s been on the phone fairly regularly. I think -- obviously he has brought to meetings in the Situation Room and in the Oval Office, like last evening, quite a bit of knowledge and experience in foreign affairs and foreign policy that have helped guide the administration along the last 18 days or so.
Q Was that phone call, though, that we got the readout with some of the demands, was that a pivotal moment in this crisis?
MR. GIBBS: Well, look, I think that -- I think that there -- it’s probably hard to go back and pinpoint all of them, but I would say that it was -- hard to, I think, be any clearer and more blunt than the Vice President was on that call about the steps that we, that the international community and, most importantly, the people of Egypt needed to see happen. And I think that -- I think that certainly helped move this process along.
Q Yesterday when the President made his comments on Egypt at the top of his remarks in Michigan, was the White House at that time fairly optimistic that Mr. Mubarak was going to step down yesterday?
MR. GIBBS: Well, as I said, Dan, I said earlier in this briefing, I think many of the same contacts that we had are many of the same contacts that your network and many others in this room had in reporting what might happen in Egypt yesterday. I think the President talked about historic transformations, which we’ve seen, quite frankly, play out each and every day in the last 18 [days].
But I think what's important now is we have to look forward and work -- help all work through a process to get us to the free and fair elections that so many have spent time yearning for.
Q And finally, just to follow up on what Ben was asking, I’m not sure I heard an answer to this notion of concern from the White House as to what happens between now and the elections in September. Is there concern about what the leadership structure will be like, what could potentially happen before the people of Egypt start voting in September?
MR. GIBBS: Well, again, I think that -- I don't think we have to fear democracy. I don't -- I think the international community has, and again I think most importantly the people have, laid out a series of steps that they need to see taken. But I think it’s important, Dan, to understand that this was a group of demonstrations and protests that were -- that demonstrated the breadth of concern across Egyptian society.
Again, I don't think you can look at it and say this was the group that did this, or these are the people that -- again, what you’ve seen is mothers and daughters. You’ve seen this process in some ways led by somebody that works for, as I said a couple of days ago, one of the larger companies in Silicon Valley.
So I think this is -- what you’ve seen is the breadth of cause and concern that had to have been addressed and needed to be addressed by the government, and I think today was the very first step in that process.
Chip.
Q Thank you, Robert, and congratulations.
MR. GIBBS: Thank you.
Q I hope it was as good for you as it was for us. (Laughter.)
MR. GIBBS: He’s trying to date me and I’m not going to do it. (Laughter.)
Q You said that obviously there are going to be some bumps in the road and that the military needs to lay out a clear path. What is going to be the role of the President, the Vice President, the Secretary of State, publicly over the next weeks and months? Do they now pull back and say, okay, this really is up to the Egyptian people now and we’re not going to intervene? Or do they keep up the public pressure with statements and --
MR. GIBBS: I think again, first and foremost, this was always about the people of Egypt. This always was going to be solved by the people of Egypt. No statement here, no comment that was made here, was going to, I think, bring the fundamental change that people were looking for in Egypt. We talked about it a lot in here. I think the people of Egypt -- again, they have their concerns and they’re not going to be -- the definition of how to solve those concerns is not going to be solved here.
But again, I think we will continue to try to play a constructive role in helping this process along. But, again, I think this is -- this started with the Egyptian people, and it will end with the Egyptian people.
Q But do you think the President, Vice President, Secretary of State will be as publicly out there in pressing the military?
MR. GIBBS: Well, I mean, again, I think this is -- I think what we’ve seen -- well, I think at every step along this way we have been very clear about the response -- and you heard the President discuss it today -- about violence. And I think it’s remarkable. What we’ve seen in the past 18 days, in terms of the type of sweeping change, is unlike anything we’ve ever seen in a short period of time. And I think the next process of this is going to play out over a much longer arc.
We will continue to be involved and to ensure that the transitional government in Egypt and ultimately the government that the people choose to represent the people of Egypt, if they take the steps that are necessary to meet the concerns of those in Egypt, then this government will be a strong partner to it and to all of our friends in the region.
Q Why exactly did the President choose not to call a foreign leader, either Egyptian leaders or other leaders in the region, over the last day or two?
MR. GIBBS: Well, I -- let me go back and see if there's any been yesterday -- he has not talked to anybody today.
Q Why?
MR. GIBBS: I think we have -- I think we are watching events and monitoring them. And I don't doubt in the days ahead that the President will reach out to those. But this is an Egyptian story today.
Q And the last question, is there a hope in the White House that the example in Egypt could inspire another uprising in Iran?
MR. GIBBS: Well, as I mentioned earlier, I think there is quite a contrast between the way the government of Egypt and the people of Egypt are interacting, and the government of Iran is threatening its very own people. I think if the government of Iran was as confident as they would have you believe in the statements that they put out, they would have nothing to fear with the peaceful demonstration like those that you’ve seen in Cairo and throughout Egypt.
They’re not that confident. They’re scared. That's why they’ve threatened to kill anybody that tries to do this. That's why they’ve shut off all measure of communication. I think it speaks volumes about the strength and the confidence that they have in fulfilling the wishes and the will of its people.
Mike.
Q Robert, do you have any sense if the images coming from Egypt are somehow getting into Iran? We’ve heard the Vice President and now you talk about Iran. I’m wondering if the administration thinks there's a chance that the message is getting in somehow to Iran.
MR. GIBBS: Well, look, I think we have all seen reports that -- over the past many days that there -- those in Iran have and want to march and demonstrate peacefully. The government of Iran, again, has met those -- the concerns of its people with threatening to kill them. Again, I think it speaks volumes as to what -- it speaks volumes to the grip that they have, or lack thereof, on the popular beliefs of their own people.
Q Can you talk about Vice President Suleiman’s role at this point? Is he still in a key role, or is he on his way out as well?
MR. GIBBS: Mike, I think that is a question for the transitional government in Egypt.
Q Talk a little bit, if you don’t mind, about the communications challenge with this event unfolding halfway around the globe, trying not to get ahead of the message. How challenging was that?
MR. GIBBS: Well, look, as I said earlier, I -- we have -- there are a lot of different audiences, there’s a lot of different equities. We -- and I think the bottom line was, as I said, this was -- this started in and it will be solved by the people of Egypt. We spoke throughout this process about the universal values that went into the creation of our country and what those marching thought needed to go into the creation of their new government.
I think -- I don’t think there’s any doubt it has been challenging and there have -- not in quite some time have we had probably one topic take up so much space inside of here over the past 18 days like it has. But there’s no doubt it is, and it’s a -- was a challenging topic for us to discuss. But I don’t -- and I think as the President said, there will be challenging days ahead for those in Egypt to construct what their country will look like in the months and years ahead.
Q Do you mind giving out your personal email address so we can keep in touch?
MR. GIBBS: Marissa has it. I probably shouldn’t say it on TV. (Laughter.)
Q You don’t want the American people to have it?
MR. GIBBS: J-a-y -- (laughter.) I’m kidding. (Laughter.)
Q Everything’s been said before, I guess just everyone hadn’t said it yet, right? Let me ask you --
MR. GIBBS: And that’s sort of -- that’s the --
Q Isn’t that the way this works?
MR. GIBBS: -- that’s the thematic of the briefing, isn’t it?
Q Sometimes it is. Was it a bigger -- the events of yesterday or the events of today the bigger surprise to you guys and to the President?
MR. GIBBS: Well, again, I think everyone was surprised at -- a bit at yesterday. Again, I -- we -- I think you can go look at my transcript from yesterday. I was on the cautious side because I think it was clear that things were happening, as they have over the course of 18 days, very quickly.
Again, it is remarkable to stand here or to sit there or anywhere in our country and watch what’s happened over the span of that 18 days. It is a remarkable arc in human history. But, again, I think many people were surprised at yesterday.
Q How much -- is there a sense of relief in the administration, versus trepidation?
MR. GIBBS: Well, look, I think that -- as I said a minute ago, I don't think we have to fear democracy. I don't -- I think that whenever the will of the people shapes the demands of those that govern it, that's what many had in mind with democracy and representation. So I think that's an important step. And again, this is about Egypt and about its people.
Q Does this change Middle East policy for the United States from here on out? Just what happened in Egypt, what could happen elsewhere, is it fair to say that this is going to change America’s foreign policy in the Middle East over the long term?
MR. GIBBS: Well, look, again, I don't -- we don't know the ultimate outcome of what free and fair elections will be. We don't have a sense of who that next leader will be, but -- we don't know that person’s exact identity, I should say.
But I think that we will continue to have important relationships. This is a volatile region of the world. The relationships -- the bilateral that we have -- bring some measure of stability and peace to the region.
Obviously, there’s still great work to do to bring peace throughout this region, and the President has worked tirelessly with the team on that. But -- and I think, again, there will be many days ahead to see what comes next here. But I also think it’s important, we will continue to talk about -- as we have -- as we did with the Egyptian government -- of the universal values that we hold dear.
Q On Iran, I just want to follow up on that. Obviously, you guys made a decision to do something -- on those, the Vice President’s comments, you read from specific -- what appears to be things that you wanted to say about it --
MR. GIBBS: I wanted to get the Revolutionary Guard senior commander quote correct.
Q You guys have always walked this line with Iran, even the last time when there were protesters, that you don't want to look like America is interfering, that you’ve always feared that. So I guess talk about that line today.
MR. GIBBS: Well, I don't -- look, we’re not interfering. This is -- remember, this started with the government of Iran discussing what was happening in Egypt. And I think probably a week or 10 days ago, I think I said to Stephen Collinson in question that if that's what they believe, then they wouldn’t have any problem letting their people demonstrate about the concerns that they have.
Now we know they didn't really mean that. Now we know that what they really are scared of is exactly what might happen. They're scared of that, and they're threatening those that might do it with death. It’s a strange -- to say the least -- reaction to a government and a military that -- governments and militaries are pledged to protect their citizens. And it is clear that the government of Iran is quite scared of theirs.
Q I feel like I should give you an opportunity to talk about Cam Newton’s pro day yesterday. You did bring plenty of college football to the room.
MR. GIBBS: Auburn will be -- Auburn will be here in mid-April, and I will be back. (Laughter.)
Q Following up on Chuck’s last question, second to last question --
Q On the Cam Newton? (Laughter.)
MR. GIBBS: They go together, don’t they?
Q With the benefit of hindsight, are there any regrets that the administration didn't do more to support the revolution in Iran at the time and boost it?
MR. GIBBS: No, I think you -- I think what we said then is true now. And I think we -- again, we supported universal rights, and we support the ability for those to exercise them. And I think it’s up to the government of Iran to allow that to happen.
Q So it was handled --
MR. GIBBS: Again, I -- I think there’s -- as we’ve talked about in here, there’s different degrees of development in each society.
Q And on a different subject, because I do think we’re maybe getting to the end of the possible Egypt questions, but I’m sure there are -- others will be more creative --
MR. GIBBS: You seem hopeful, Laura. (Laughter.)
Q On the budget, do you think that what you put forth on spending cuts will be enough to be credible in the eyes that the bar that Republicans have set for cuts to federal spending? And do you think you can have a credible budget without taking on entitlements?
MR. GIBBS: Well, I think it’s important -- I think if you go back and see what I said about the budget yesterday and the day before, I think it’s important that we not just talk about cuts, but we talk about its -- their impact on the deficit. And I make that point because I think the seriousness with which anybody approaches this has to be taken in some totality, right?
We’re going to have a debate for a number of years -- for a number of the next two years about tax cuts for those who make above $250,000. We have had a debate that takes us back to the debates of the last two years about whether or not we should repeal health care.
We know the impact of both of those is to add far more than anybody pledges to reducing cuts to the deficit. So I think that what the President will put forward on Monday will be a -- will certainly meet the measure of credibility: a spending -- a five-year spending freeze that results in a 10-year reduction of about $400 billion, and the smallest percentage of government spending in relation to size of the economy since Eisenhower was President.
I think the President, though, has been clear that there’s more that we have to do. And I think that will be part of the conversation over the next many years.
Peter.
Q I bet you're going to be following every facet of that budget process over the next few weeks. (Laughter.)
MR. GIBBS: I will email Jay repeatedly about --
Q Back on Egypt, looking back at the full scope of everything that's been said, starting on January 25th when Secretary Clinton talked about the stability of the Mubarak government to what the President said today, do you think that you all have been proactive or reactive to what’s happened there over these 18 days?
MR. GIBBS: Peter, I think we have been -- I think we have been fairly steady in what we’ve said. I think you can chart what the President said today and what -- from when he talked publicly about this the first time and when I talked publicly about this the first time, the measure of what we were for, the fact that this was about the people of Egypt and would be solved by them.
Look, I don't doubt that -- there were some people, again, in the region that saw us too much on one side, and others watching the same statement saw us on too much of the other. I think we had to -- and I think the President and his team showed steady leadership that continued to voice the concerns of those that wanted greater rights and greater opportunities.
Q Is what happened today that result that the President desired?
MR. GIBBS: Well, I think the President and the team desired to see greater recognition of the rights that he talked about in Cairo in 2009 and that those that have marched in Cairo in 2011 have sought. Again, I don’t think we have to fear -- I don’t think this is something we should fear. I think this is, as I said and the President have said, that we -- those that are in government have an opportunity to represent the will of the people. And I think that process, that long transition, has just begun in Egypt.
Q One more shot on Iran. Would you like to see in Tehran -- would you like to see what happened in Cairo today happen ultimately in Tehran?
MR. GIBBS: I would like to see, and I think the administration would like to see, the ability of the people of Iran to voice what they’d like to see from their government. And I think if the government of Iran didn’t fear the voices of their own people, they’d let them do that.
Q So you don’t want to go so far as to say you’d like to see that government overthrown?
MR. GIBBS: I’m comfortable with my previous answer.
Q Does that apply to Saudi Arabia?
MR. GIBBS: Again, I -- we have conversations with governments throughout the world in this region and in other regions about adhering to universal values.
Q Following on Karen’s question earlier, how concerned is the administration specifically about unrest spreading to Jordan? Queen Rania has been accused of corruption. How closely are you looking at that situation?
MR. GIBBS: Well, look, I mean, throughout this process we have watched -- again, we’ve watched throughout the region. And again, I reiterate that when we have meetings with -- when we have bilateral meetings with these countries, we discuss, again, the universal values that we discussed on many occasions with the government of Egypt.
Q Are you particularly concerned about unrest spreading to Jordan and Syria and these other --
MR. GIBBS: I’m not going to get into some of those conversations.
Q Could you talk a little bit more about the role the administration thinks that the Egyptian military should be playing now that they’ve essentially taken over?
MR. GIBBS: Well, the -- look, this is -- I don’t -- I’m not going to go through each and every step of this process. I think the President was clear in the responsibilities as a transitional government that they have. Some of the changes that are necessary need to take place, and the important steps that have to be demonstrated and the constitutional change that we need to see, that the people of Egypt need to see, on the road to free and fair elections. And I think they have those -- they have those obligations to that.
Connie.
Q Best of luck, Robert. Be happy. Three housekeeping questions. Are you going to recommend to Jay that he continue the pattern of really very heavy questions in the first two or three rows? (Laughter.) It’s a serious question for everybody in the back rows.
MR. GIBBS: Connie, would you have that question if you weren’t situated today in the middle of the second row? (Laughter.)
Q It’s not my seat, but I’ve been here for 43 years.
MR. GIBBS: Connie, I am only moments away from not having to wade into the politics of many of the rows in this room, and I am not going to -- I know that you guys will solve all these problems together.
Q Two more. Will you recommend that you have the prearranged questions, a list of questions, at press conferences?
MR. GIBBS: We don't have a prearranged list of questions at press conferences.
Q Arranged questioners, I think.
MR. GIBBS: Is that what she meant?
Q Yes, that's what I meant.
MR. GIBBS: I think we bring some order to how the President calls on you guys. We don't have -- I want to be clear, because I think your original question before Jake amended it was, does the President have a prearranged list of questions at the press conference?
Q He reads my mind.
MR. GIBBS: I’m going to leave that aside. (Laughter.) Again, the President does not have a prearranged list of questions at a press conference.
Do you realize that you’re just -- Dana is just writing all this down. (Laughter.) He’s absorbing all of this, and this stuff just writes itself.
Q He had a great book, by the way.
MR. GIBBS: I'll have some time to read it.
Q I can’t remember my last question now.
MR. GIBBS: Jake may know. (Laughter.)
Q Prearranged question. (Laughter.)
Q Who decides -- oh, yes, the last question. Will you keep your excellent staff, press staff, on board?
MR. GIBBS: Keep these guys? Absolutely. (Laughter.) No, no, this is very serious. These guys -- there's no better group of -- there's no better group that I’ve ever worked with, and I’ve done this -- I took my first job in politics February 14th, 1994, paid job. And I will walk out of here on February 13th, 2011 -- 17 years. I have not had and not worked with a greater group of people than what I have worked with on a campaign and in this office. And they are terrific. Each and every day they make the President and they make all of us look good. They are and will continue to be the backbone of the White House press operation.
Q Thank you. You guys owe me one for that.
Q Now, this is a prearranged question -- (laughter) -- so you already know it, but for the benefit of everybody else here --
MR. GIBBS: I'll let you finish it just so it looks --
Q Just for appearances.
MR. GIBBS: “No.” (Laughter.) Oh, I didn’t, sorry. (Laughter.) Go ahead.
Q What is your -- what is the President’s message to people in Jordan and Saudi Arabia who are looking at Egypt, saying, we want to have the same sort of nonviolent revolution; get rid of our monarchy. Would he encourage that?
MR. GIBBS: Well, again, I don't think it is -- it hasn’t been during the 18 days here, and it’s not our role to make that kind of statement. Again, I think it is important that -- we have bilateral relationships and in those meetings we say publicly and we say privately that governments throughout the world -- we just did this when the government of China was here -- have to recognize a certain level of individual and basic freedom. And I think that has been true for this administration and previous administrations that were here before us.
Q Thank you, Robert. Now that you have more time on your hands, you’ll be returning all our phone calls and emails, won’t you? (Laughter.) I love he does a “no comment.”
I’m going to depart from the Egypt questions and follow on Laura’s budget questions. The House Republicans have been very divided among themselves over how much cutting to do. As you know, conservatives are pressing for additional cuts. The President met with Speaker Boehner earlier this week, and I’m wondering how closely is President Obama watching this debate among Republicans? And how concerned is he that the pressure that their party faces from the right will make it more difficult for him to reach some kind of agreement with Republicans on a budget?
MR. GIBBS: Well, look, I don't -- I think the President obviously is a pretty big consumer of news. I have not heard him discuss in the past few days the articles about, as you mentioned, the pressure that House Republicans have come under from different entities in their caucus.
I think that -- I think out of that lunch and I think even well before that lunch we had a model in December of being able to sit down and make some important decisions for the people of this country to take some important steps like reducing our deficit that only can be done when we both seek common ground. And I think that's what will be the end of this, is there will be some agreement.
I think there will be some tough decisions along the way, and you’ll see some of those tough decisions from our side in the budget. But I think in the end you will see that the two parties have to come together. And we have divided government. That's the nature of any our solutions.
Q So he’s confident that he can avert a shutdown of the sort that happened in the mid-1990s, and that you’ll --
MR. GIBBS: I doubt that -- I think there's probably some very serious concern in the Republican caucus of not wanting to repeat that. And I think that you’ve heard the notion of some of -- even Speaker Boehner has said we have to make some tough decisions around and some tough votes on the debt that require us all to be adult.
Yes, ma’am.
Q Thank you, Robert. Compliments to you and your family.
MR. GIBBS: Thank you.
Q Regarding the six-party talks, South Korean government had mentioned today the issue of the preconditions for resumption of the six-party talks. And does the United States have any preconditions to rejoin six-party talks?
MR. GIBBS: Well, I think what was clear in the bilateral talks that quickly broke down earlier this week between South Korea and North Korea was that North Korea genuinely lacked the seriousness to be involved in this. And I think before we return to six-party talks, I think North Korea has to demonstrate a seriousness -- the seriousness with which they need to employ to live up to their commitments.
And I think it was clear, again, when talks broke down earlier this week bilaterally, that they were -- they had no real intention of entering into a constructive dialogue like this. And I think it results in further isolation of North Korea, and they can make a conscious decision but it’s going to require that conscious decision.
Q What is the detail of the United States --
MR. GIBBS: Well, I think -- look, I think the broadest thing is they’ve got -- again, they have to show a willingness to live up to their commitments and to denuclearize. And I -- that’s what we have said throughout this process and I think they need to demonstrate how serious they are about that.
Yes, sir.
Q Thank you. Mr. President said Egyptians have changed the world. And so far what I am hearing about states, other oppressive states in the region, it looks like your administration has not yet adapted to this changing world. Or could you please walk us through what is the changing world and what does your administration need for the changing world?
MR. GIBBS: I think I gave this -- I’ve given this answer a couple of times, but I’ll repeat it. We spend time in public and in private with governments throughout the world -- not just in this region, but throughout the world -- on what we see -- I’m not sure what that noise is. There we go. Sorry. Caren’s recorder went from recorder to player, or somebody’s did. I thought maybe -- I thought that was in my head, but now it appeared to be -- (laughter.)
Q That’s why --
MR. GIBBS: It appeared to have been -- I felt much better when you guys recognized it as a noise too.
Q Is that why you’re leaving? (Laughter.)
Q He’s hearing noises.
MR. GIBBS: I think that -- again, there are certain basic and universal rights that people yearn for throughout the world. That’s exactly what the President talked about, and I think that’s what -- that’s the -- the responsibility of governments is to meet those rights.
Q But the statement came from the President and he openly said the world has changed. So my question is, again, has any kind of policy changed so far that can we see dealing with these states? Have you adjusted your policies yet?
MR. GIBBS: Well, again, I -- I’ll try it one more time. We had these conversations directly with those -- with governments throughout the world. Again, we mentioned what happened not too long ago with the government of China that resulted in the leader of the Chinese saying there was much work to be done.
Ann.
Q You’ve worked for the President both -- while he was President and as a presidential candidate. Do you think as we move in toward the 2012 campaign -- presumably we’ll see you again sometime during that period -- do you think he can make governmental decisions and simply leave politics out of it? Is he the kind of person who can make governmental policy decisions without always thinking maybe in the back of his mind on his own political future?
MR. GIBBS: Like that brilliant auto bailout? (Laughter.) I mean, I will say I think most of the first couple years of our administration have been marked with decisions that you didn't need anybody to tell you weren’t hugely popular but needed to be taken.
Q Saw how that came out.
MR. GIBBS: And -- but I think part of that is because we had an election -- there’s a calendar of elections and then there’s an arc of recovery that may not perfectly align with an interim election.
This is a President who has, again, made a series of very tough, sometimes unpopular decisions to ensure that we didn't go from what some have called a great recession to a great depression. And I think the President -- I think one of the things you’ll see is you’ll see a lot more of the President trying to tell the story of why we’re making these decisions.
I think that's -- I think he said that. That's one of the threads that we lost over the first two years was we made a series of decisions that had to be made quickly, and we forgot to tell a larger story.
Q Will you and others advise him to make those tough decisions even when it’s him up for reelection?
MR. GIBBS: We will. I mean, I will tell you that I remember being in the final decisions around the -- what to do about the auto companies, and it is a tremendous story and people that have worked on it here have done a tremendous job.
But even -- I remember sitting in that meeting and even with -- the notion was even if you give -- if you make some of the required management changes and give them a lifeline, it was still a 51-49 proposition. I think it will go down as one of the best decisions we made because now you see companies that are fundamentally restructured and capable of surviving and thriving in this economy and that will only get stronger.
Mike.
Q Two questions if I can. First, can you talk about what -- how much, if at all, the recommendations from the budget commission, deficit commission, are going to be reflected in the budget that we see on Monday?
MR. GIBBS: That is a good question for somebody next week. (Laughter.)
Q All right. Well, then on the subject of --
MR. GIBBS: I should use that more often in the next few minutes.
Q CPAC is happening just up the road, and a number of potential candidates are speaking there today. Mitt Romney called the President a weak President who lacks clear direction, and Tim Pawlenty invoked the birth certificate controversy and asked what planet the President is from. I’m wondering if you want to take a shot at responding to potential rivals of the President --
MR. GIBBS: I think we did pretty well Minnesota and I think the President has -- though he didn't talk about it a lot, Mitt Romney -- I think what Governor Romney did on health care was one of the decisions that Ann just alluded to that was a tough decision, but it was a series of the right decisions. I’d be interested to see if throughout the next two years the two words “health care” come out of his mouth.
Carol.
Q Can you -- I know you won’t be here, but can you give us a little week-ahead, how the President plans to --
MR. GIBBS: I have a week-ahead, yes. You want to just fast-forward this whole thing, don't you?
Q No, no. And then I have others. One or two.
MR. GIBBS: I’ll do the week-ahead last, how about that?
Q The Chicago election, do you know how the President intends to vote? Is that absentee?
MR. GIBBS: He has requested his absentee ballot. The last time I checked, the First Lady had voted and the President had yet to. I will --
Q But do check, because she hadn’t voted as of Tuesday.
MR. GIBBS: I think -- I think the last time I checked was yesterday.
Q Okay, so you think --
MR. GIBBS: So I think she voted -- she’s voted sometime in between. I don't know whether the President has voted, but I will check on that right -- as soon as I get out here.
Q And then if you could --
Q And get back to us.
MR. GIBBS: Yes.
Q How would you -- just on your departure, how would you assess the President’s relationship with the press corps at this point in his present --
MR. GIBBS: Soon somebody is going to pay me a lot of money to give that assessment and I look forward to -- (laughter) -- I look forward to sharing that with them.
Q Thank you, Robert.
MR. GIBBS: April.
Q Hey, wait a minute. (Laughter.)
MR. GIBBS: He does that just to do that, April. That's why -- if you can see the size of the grin on Ben’s face every single day when he does that. I’m sorry. I don't mean to stir the pot as I leave.
Q Oh, yes, you do. (Laughter.)
MR. GIBBS: Go ahead.
Q Thank you, Ben. For the last time, promise me --
MR. GIBBS: Oh, I will get that to you. I have not had a chance to -- (laughter.) [Email Redacted] -- (laughter.) No, I will -- I will try to find that out.
Q You promised Wednesday you were going to call me at home, and you did not. (Laughter.)
MR. GIBBS: Yes, I did.
Q You did, on tape.
MR. GIBBS: Promised I'd call you at home?
Q Well, you said you’d call me that night. (Laughter.)
MR. GIBBS: I don't think I said that I'd call you that night. (Laughter.)
Q You said that night --
MR. GIBBS: April, can I --
Q Okay, just on the cell phone -- you said --
MR. GIBBS: April, there may be --
Q Anyway, moving on --
MR. GIBBS: April, can I -- I’ve got a follow-up. Who were you talking to that promised to call you? I will go find out whether he’s voted or not.
Q I know these are things that I -- I have an interest in that answer, too, so --
Q A lot of people do, yes.
MR. GIBBS: I will go find out as soon as I walk out of here.
Q All right, now on the economics of Egypt, now that there is --
MR. GIBBS: Quite a segue. (Laughter.)
Q Now that there is a change in leadership, let’s talk about the American pocketbook and gas prices and things of that nature. Should we expect to see some change in prices of a barrel of oil now because things have changed? Or is there still volatility to push the price up?
MR. GIBBS: Look, I think inherent in the pricing of oil is some volatility. As much as I would love to tackle a few subjects that they tell me never to talk about, I should not do that in the last briefing I have. I will say this --
Q What can they do? (Laughter.)
Q Fire you? (Laughter.)
MR. GIBBS: I don't want to make people rich or poor based on what I say.
Q You’re not an oil expert.
MR. GIBBS: But on a daily basis in the deputies committee meeting that have been taking place around Egypt, we have discussed what is happening with transportation in ports of entry and in the Suez, and we continue to monitor that and do not see a disruption on that.
Q And lastly, congratulations on your new chapter.
MR. GIBBS: Thank you.
Q Now -- (laughter) -- Monday it’s going to be different for you. Do you think you will be going through news and information withdrawal?
MR. GIBBS: No doubt.
Q How are you going to handle Monday when it comes?
MR. GIBBS: I will do that in my week ahead. I'll show you -- (laughter.)
Q Thanks. I wanted to follow up on Mitt Romney’s glaring omission in his remarks today. Has the President been watching the CPAC coverage inbetween watching the -- okay. (Laughter.) And why do you think -- do you think that it’s important for Mitt Romney to talk about his health care plan, and why? Why would that be important?
MR. GIBBS: I don't know why he wouldn’t.
Q Really? Okay.
MR. GIBBS: I don't know.
Q I had an Egypt one, believe it or not -- actually a couple on Egypt. Have the -- have the Secretary Clinton and the Samantha Power camps kind of gotten together? Are they on the same place now on -- in terms of --
MR. GIBBS: I’m not entirely sure what you’re speaking about.
Q Internal divisions on how publicly to push for change and on how much change is enough change, in terms of the Egyptian government. Is there -- is the White House and the administration all on the same page about --
MR. GIBBS: Margaret, I think we’ve been all on the same page for quite some time. Rich and Stephen and then I'll go.
Q No, it’s okay, it’s fine.
Q Robert, congratulations. And on Egypt, I’m wondering -- you’ve been talking about, like with Jordan and Saudi Arabia, the bilateral relations, what the President says privately and publicly. I’m wondering, though, at this moment, isn’t there more that he could be saying publicly? Does he plan to play any sort of a greater role in terms of trying to empower the people of other countries, like the Egyptian people are now being empowered?
MR. GIBBS: Well, I think, again, Rich, I don't know of anything that is planned to do that. I would point you to what he said today. And I think what's important to remember about all of this is it didn’t start by -- we didn’t start it. We didn’t finish it. This is an issue for the people of Egypt and the people of countries around the world to petition their governments.
Stephen.
Q The President just said now that the Egyptian people forged change through peaceful means, and not terrorism and violence. Is the administration arguing now that expressions of popular will like this and democracy could drain a sort of swamp where -- from which extremists find their recruits?
MR. GIBBS: Well, I think that -- I think the line, Stephen, that you point to is one with some I think very specific meaning. And I think if you go back to what the President said in his inaugural address by -- there are those that seek to change by building, and those that seek to change by blowing up and destroying. And I think what we have seen in Cairo goes greatly in contrast with entities like al Qaeda that have killed people that share their belief, their religious belief, in order to scare and to terrorize.
Q So, in that case, is it -- will we see more of an emphasis on pushing for democracy in the Middle East in the foreign policy than we've seen --
MR. GIBBS: I think you’ll see the President continue to hold up the concerns of those throughout the world that seek a greater recognition.
I'm going to do the week ahead and then I am going to go.
Q One more --
Q Robert --
MR. GIBBS: Let me just do the week ahead, guys. Before I do, I'm going to give you my week ahead, April. Are you ready?
Q Yes.
MR. GIBBS: On Monday, the former press secretary will travel with Ethan Gibbs to school.
Q Awwww!
MR. GIBBS: In the morning he'll catch some SportsCenter and a bike ride if the weather holds up. In the afternoon he’s hoping for a nap -- (laughter) -- before walking several hundred feet to the bus stop to greet Ethan. Travel pool will accompany. (Laughter.) Fortunately for me, I do not anticipate any further public events for the remainder of the week.
The President, on the other hand, and you all have a very busy week. On Monday, the President will travel to Baltimore County, Maryland -- I don't know if it’s city or not -- to speak to the students at Parkville Middle and Center of Technology. I don't know if that's the right --
Q Parkville Middle and Center of Technology.
MR. GIBBS: I see, there’s an “and.” Education Secretary Arne Duncan and OMB Director Jack Lew will join the President for the visit, where he will lay out key priorities in the 2012 budget and discuss the importance of investing in education to prepare our children to be competitive in the global economy.
On Tuesday, the President will honor recipients of the 2010 Medal of Freedom in a ceremony at the White House. The Medal of Freedom, America’s highest civilian honor, is awarded to individuals who make an especially meritorious contribution to the security or national interests of the United States, world peace, cultural, or other significant public or private endeavors.
On Wednesday, the President will meet with state legislators at the White House. Later the President will deliver remarks at the White House on the America’s Great Outdoors Initiative.
On Thursday, the President will attend meetings at the White House before leaving in the afternoon to travel to the West Coast.
On Friday, the President will visit Intel Corporation in Hillsboro, Oregon. While at Intel, the President will tour the world’s most advanced semiconductor manufacturing facility, as well as learn more about Intel’s science, technology, engineering and math education program.
It has been a tremendous honor and a privilege to do this over the past little more than two years. I wish you all good luck. I will miss you. I had a lot of fun. And I hope, as we covered some very serious subjects and we watched the world change, I hope you had some fun, too.
Thank you.

END 4:41 P.M. EST

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Secretary Clinton’s Remarks at Munich Security Conference

Secretary Clinton’s Remarks at Munich Security Conference

05 February 2011

Secretary Clinton’s Remarks at Munich Security Conference

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Office of the Spokesman
February 5, 2011
2011/T40-1

REMARKS

Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton
At the Munich Security Conference Plenary Session

February 5, 2011
Bayerischer Hof
Munich, Germany

MODERATOR: The Secretary of State of the United States of America Hillary Clinton, welcome. You were here in the earlier capacity as a United States Senator, but this is actually the first time, according to what I know about the 47 seven years of this conference, that we’ve had the pleasure of welcoming the Secretary of State, Mrs. Clinton. (Applause.)

And to conclude the round of premiers is the fact that also this year for the first time do we have the pleasure of welcoming the President of the European Council, a position which was created with the Treaty of Lisbon. It is a great event today to have you, Herman von Rompuy, be with us and speak to us after the Secretary. (Applause.)

I would like to, before we get started, to remind you all that we will have at – around 6:00 this afternoon a special hour on the events in the Arab world in Egypt, et cetera, and will be tacked onto the program, and you will have terrific versions of the program heading out over the next hour or more. So without further ado, it’s my great pleasure to offer the floor to you, Mrs. Secretary. (Applause.)

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, good morning, and it’s very good to back in Munich. Thank you, Wolfgang, for your continuing leadership, and it was wonderful to see Chancellor Merkel earlier today, and I’m here with so many of my colleagues, and, of course, Foreign Minister Westerwelle and all who are working on behalf of our common objectives.

I’m also delighted to be sharing this session with the President. I’m looking forward to our discussion and will be meeting later with Lady Ashton who has become an indispensible partner on so many issues during the last 14 months.

I want to make remarks on two important subjects briefly. First, America’s enduring commitment to Europe and European security and then how we view the recent upheaval in the Arab world. The events unfolding on Europe’s doorstep remind us that in today’s interconnected world, rapid change is the new norm. The past several years have been difficult on both sides of the Atlantic. The United States face down the most serious financial crisis since the 1930s. We have broken the back of the recession, but we are still challenged by high unemployment in debt.

In Europe, the financial crisis has caused deep pain and anxiety about the health of the Euro-zone. And I know that from time to time, on your side of the Atlantic, critics worry that America is preoccupied with its domestic problems or distracted by Afghanistan and other global issues.

On our side, critics fear Europe’s fiscal difficulties and political constraints will prevent it from remaining a robust partner in promoting global security. But the contents of my inbox tell a very different story. They show a strategic partnership between Europe and the United States that has never been stronger.

On the economic front, the ties between us run deep. The transatlantic economy accounts for more than half of world trade, and when it comes to investment, the numbers are higher still. Now, these figures will change over time. And emerging markets are, indeed, promising. But our partnership is proven, and it must endure if we are to promote sound market-driven economic policies in countries around the world, level playing fields, and fight protectionist forces in an increasingly globalized economy.

This is crucial work because strong economies are the ultimate foundation for our security and leadership. We are also working together to fight poverty, disease, and hunger. The United States and Europe together are responsible for nearly 80 percent of all international development aid. And this, too, is an essential component of common security. We have seen over and over again that healthy prosperous societies are more likely to be good partners, and of course, we work together to secure peace.

In Afghanistan, nearly 40,000 Europeans serve alongside U.S. troops and those of 47 other nations in the International Security and Assistance Force. Together we are striving to build a durable peace by training Afghanistan’s police and army, and it is a strategy that is beginning to bear fruit. And we are stretching beyond traditional military solutions. In so many aspects of our partnership in Afghanistan, we see a difference.

On Iran, Europe and the United States joined together to give Tehran a clear choice: Meet your international commitments to demonstrate that your nuclear program is peaceful, or face increasing pressure and isolation. And last year, Russia joined us in voting for tough Security Council sanctions, an important precedent that we intend to build on.

In many other regions, we are also cooperating – preventing violence during the referendum on Southern Sudan, curbing piracy off the Horn of Africa, taking a unified stance on Belarus to support free and fair elections, defending civil society where it is under pressure, imposing sanctions on those responsible for human rights violations, promoting economic growth and democratic governance in the Western Balkans, and working to integrate the region more deeply with the EU and NATO remains a shared goal. In all of these ways and many more, our relationship with Europe is, as President Obama put it, the cornerstone of our engagement with the world and a catalyst for global cooperation.

But we are not standing pat. Our relationship continues to evolve. We’ve been working together to modernize and enhance the European security architecture, an effort that culminated with the approval of NATO’s new strategic concept in Lisbon last year. As Secretary Gates has noted, now that the strategic concept has been approved, we are reviewing its implications for the U.S. force structure in Europe. Ultimately, our decision will be guided by a fundamental principle: We will maintain the necessary balance of forces and capabilities to meet our enduring commitment to Article Five. And we will maintain our ability to protect ourselves and our allies, not just against traditional threats, but also new ones such as cyber attacks, terrorism, and weapons of mass destruction.

Perhaps none of these threats is more pressing today than the proliferation of ballistic missiles. President Obama has outlined a new approach to European missile defense which was endorsed by allied leaders in Lisbon. The European phased-adaptive approach will protect us against the current generation of missiles. And it will evolve over time as the threat evolves. This year we will be taking missile defense off the drawing board and putting it into action starting with the deployment of radar systems on land and Aegis ships in the Mediterranean.

We have made it absolutely clear we will not accept any constraints on our missile defenses. The U.S. Government will do what is necessary to protect America, our forces, our allies and friends from attacks, from countries outside of Europe. In Lisbon, allied leaders also reaffirmed our desire to cooperate with Russia on missile defense and President Medvedev embraced that idea. We seek a genuinely cooperative approach to this common challenge; one that strengthens cooperation with Russia and increases our common security while maintaining strategic stability. We have already started that conversation with Moscow about how this can be accomplished in practice, and we are eager to begin a joint analysis, joint exercises, and sharing of early warning data that could form the basis for a cooperative missile defense system. We will work together to ensure that our missile defense systems are mutually reinforcing.

The New START Treaty between the United States and Russia is another example of the kind of clear-eyed cooperation that is in everyone’s interests. I am delighted that Minister Lavrov and I will be exchanging instruments of ratification of the New START Treaty later today. We will also discuss further arms control issues including nonstrategic and non-deployed nuclear weapons and our ongoing work to revive, strengthen, and modernize the regime on conventional forces.

The work we are doing together today is part of a journey we have been taking for more than 60 years. Since the end of World War II, we have worked shoulder to shoulder to advance security and freedom throughout Europe to create a Europe that is whole, secure, and free. We have seen many nations make democratic transitions and begin contributing to growing stability and security across the continent and across the Atlantic. This project is not yet complete, and it has not always been easy, but we see its benefits again and again as more free nations share in the progress of the Euro-Atlantic community.

In the Middle East, we have not yet seen security and democratic development converge in the same way. Let me offer a few observations about where we’ve come from and where we need to go. We have built strong security partnerships with countries across the region to promote peace between Israel and her neighbors, to curb Iran’s dangerous nuclear ambitions, to support economic development, to stop the spread of terrorism, and we will continue to advance these goals, these goals we believe are essential to American and European security as well as the security of the people in the region.

For decades, though, most of these same governments have not pursued the kind of political and economic reforms that would make them more democratic, responsible, and accountable. In Doha last month, I urged the leaders of the region to address the needs and aspirations of their people and offer a positive vision for the future for their sake and for ours because the region is being battered by a perfect storm of powerful trends. A growing majority of its people are under the age of 30. Many of these young people, even the most educated among them, cannot find work.

At the same time, however, they are more connected with each other and with events occurring around them because of technology. And this generation is rightly demanding that their governments become more effective, more responsive, and more open. All of this is taking place against a backdrop of depleting resources. Water tables are dropping, and oil reserves are running out.

Leaders in the region may be able to hold back the tide for a little while, but not for long. That has been the story of the last weeks. It is what has driven demonstrators into the streets of Tunis, Cairo, and cities throughout the area. The status quo is simply not sustainable. So for all our friends, for all the friends in the region including governments and people, the challenge is to help our partners take systematic steps to usher in a better future where people’s voices are heard, their rights respected, and their aspirations met.

This is not simply a matter of idealism. It is a strategic necessity. Without genuine progress toward open and accountable political systems, the gap between people and their governments will only grow, and instability will only deepen. Across the region, there must be clear and real progress toward open, transparent, fair, and accountable systems. Now, in some countries, this transition is happening quickly; in others it will take more time. Different countries face different circumstances.

And of course, there are risks. There are risks with the transition to democracy. It can be chaotic. It can cause short-term instability. Even worse – and we have seen it before – the transition can backslide into just another authoritarian regime. Revolutions have overthrown dictators in the name of democracy only to see the political process hijacked by new autocrats who use violence, deception, and rigged elections to stay in power or to advance an agenda of extremism.

So the transition to democracy will only work if it is deliberate, inclusive, and transparent. Those who want to participate in the political system must commit to basic principles such as renouncing violence as a tool of political coercion, respecting the rights of minorities – ethnic and religious minorities, participating in a spirit of tolerance and compromise. Those who refuse to make those commitments do not deserve a seat at the table. We will continue to champion free and fair elections as an essential part of building and maintaining a democracy.

But we know elections alone are not sufficient. They’re not even sufficient to secure lasting change. So we also must work together to support the institutions of good governance, the rule of law and an independent judiciary, transparency and a free press, strong political parties, protection for the rights of minorities and more, because those, indeed, are the building blocks of a true democracy.

The transition to democracy is more likely to be peaceful and permanent when it involves both the government in power and a broad cross-section of the citizenry. So in addition to supporting institutions and free and fair elections, we are committed to supporting strong civil societies, the activists, organizations, congregations, intellectuals, reporters who work through peaceful means to fight corruption and keep governments honest. Their work enriches the soil in which democracy grows.

So the United States urges the leaders of the region to work with civil society, to see it as a partner rather than a threat, and making the political, economic, and social reforms that are being called for. And just as America engages leaders in the region, we will continue to engage the people through civil society, through dialogue like the town halls that I have enjoyed doing on my travels.

Now, some leaders may honestly believe that their country is an exception, that their people will not demand greater political or economic opportunities, or that they can be placated with half measures. Again, in the short-term that may be true, but in the long-term it is untenable. And in today’s world where people are communicating every second of every day, it is unbelievable. Other leaders raise fears that allowing too much freedom will jeopardize security, that giving a voice to the people, especially certain elements within their countries, will lead to chaos and calamity. But if the events of the last weeks prove anything, it is that governments who consistently deny their people freedom and opportunity are the ones who will, in the end, open the door to instability.

So when we make this case to our friends in the region, we do so in the fundamental belief that their countries will emerge stronger and more prosperous if their societies are more open and responsive. Democracies with vibrant and truly representative institutions resolve differences not in the streets, but in city halls and parliament buildings. That is what leads to real stability and security. That is what leads to prosperity. That is what makes countries even stronger allies.

And we have our own experience to look to. This alliance of the Euro-Atlantic community has stood the test of time. And America has always, even when Europe was not wholly free, stood for the principle that free people govern themselves best. I look out at this audience. I see presidents and prime ministers and foreign ministers from countries that were neither free nor truly secure not so long ago and who today are, and whose examples are inspirations to so many seeking that same kind of future. We believe that that is the best foundation to build on for a more peaceful and prosperous world. Thank you very much. (Applause.)

###

(Distributed by the Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State. Web site: http://www.america.gov)